– Isha Pandey
– Intern IPPCS’21
– Political Science student at IPCW, DU
China’s burgeoning power and claim to its neighbouring lands is not a new phenomenon, China has over the past decades threatened the maritime security of India. Be it dragon’s claim to nine-dash line claim in the south China Sea (SCS) the Belt and Border Road Initiative (BRI) or meticulously planning to make countries go under a debt-trap, China knows how to play its cards and this has resulted in converting the dragon into a disruptive force in the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR). Beijing’s territorial expansionism and economic imperialism have led to a growing number of regional and international actors coming together and adopting the latest Indo-Pacific concept, here the key players are France and Germany.
Coinciding Interests and Issues
The increasing development in the field of maintaining ‘multilateralism’ around the IPR is imperative for India to maintain its stature and security around the region. It is conspicuous that rather than maintaining bilateral security which when compared to multilateralism is inherently discriminatory, on the other hand, multilateral arrangements have a more inclusive character in which all participants are afforded equal treatment. India is indulging itself more and more in the development of its national capacity by maintaining ‘regional multilateralism’ in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). New Delhi’s primary and secondary priorities are the closer areas (IOR) and farther away (IPR), respectively. France and Germany have formed bilateral as well as multilateral capacity-building measures on climate change, digital technologies, human rights, military technology, etc. It not only meets India’s interest in the Indian Ocean Region but also empowers its ascendency in the larger IPR.
Historical Perceptions and Associations
Since the conflict era, India and therefore the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) region have shared unique historical, cultural, political, and social ties. Owing to India’s closeness with the erstwhile USSR, the communist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe appreciated cordial relations with socialist India. Back then CEE counties supplied military equipment, assisted within the construction of steel factories and power plants, and extended political support to India. The aftermath of Soviet disintegration led to change in the setup where the trade and political ties between India and CEE swerved with India focussing more on Western Europe.
Contemporary Triangular Relations
In the post-Cold War era, India started to engage largely with the western region of Europe, known as the power of ‘Old Europe’ such as the UK, France, Germany, & the Brussels- headquartered European Union. It is over the past two decades that India has sought to diversify its trade and investment relations within Europe; India long ignored Eastern Europe’s potential of becoming a potential partner of India. The disintegration of the USSR was not the sole reason behind this, India’s turn towards a more liberal market economy in the 1990s.
Within the EU, France published Indo-Pacific papers in 2018 and 2019, after which Germany followed and published its paper in September 2020. France and Germany have been working together to promote an Indo-Pacific concept or vision as France was the first member state to develop its strategy for Indo-Pacific Region. The French President, Emmanuel Macron outlined his country’s position in one of his speeches outlining a new Indo-Pacific France-India-Australia axis. Similarly, the German ‘Policy Guidelines for the Indo-Pacific’, was first published in September and approved by the German cabinet representing an entire of state approach within the direction. Position of the French & German regarding the Indo-Pacific Region.
Position of the French & German regarding the Indo-Pacific Region
The starting points of France and Germany on the other hand for their positioning on the Indo-Pacific Region are similar in entirety. New Delhi’s primary security priorities related to maritime security in the IOR from the Arabian sea to the Laccadive Sea to the Cape of good hope are mirrored by Paris’ regional aspirations. Military cooperation with France would be the best fit for India in approach to its primary aspirations in the region. A joint security partnership, in the western IOR driven by India-France, focussed on the sea line of communication (SLOC) protection, surveillance, piracy/terrorism, and humanitarian assistance mission will help India to maintain its ‘net security’ status in the IOR. The logistics agreement of 2018 lays down the foundation for this synergy. While the Indo-German relations might not be that muscular, Berlin’s current position in the EU as president of the council makes it a critical partner in preserving and promoting multilateralism in the IOR and IPR. “Alliance for Multilateralism” offered by the joint French-German network offers a strong framework for long-lasting networks in the IPR. The German approach by moving beyond security to include issues such as human rights, and climate change broadens the scope for multilateral cooperation.
Conclusion:
Such networks of multilateralism will foster greater geo-economic and geopolitical relationships with actors beyond India’s primary areas of interest in East Asia and West Africa. It is not hidden that India’s geo-strategic orientation is compelled by the ongoing standoff with China, the concept of IPR has guided New Delhi on Pacific oriented approach, i.e., Quad, the act east policy, Andaman Nicobar Command, etc. Partnering with France and Germany will provide India to strengthen multilateralism to its core.
References:
Nair, Converging Priorities: India, France and Germany in the Indo-Pacific, IPCS, 06 Nov, 2020
Scot, Multilateralism, International Relations, Britannica
Dubey, India-EU cooperation: Relinquishing benign neglect of Central and Eastern Europe, ORF, May 19, 2021
Wacker, Europe and the Indo-Pacific: comparing France, Germany and the Netherlands, Real Instituto Elcano royal institute March 9, 2021
Nair, Converging Priorities: India, France and Germany in the Indo-Pacific, IPCS, 06 Nov, 2020
onducted a total of five underground nuclear tests, breaking a 24-year self-imposed moratorium on nuclear testing. Pakistan followed, claiming 5 tests on May 28, 1998, and an additional test on May 30. The unannounced tests created a global storm of criticism, as well as a serious setback for decades of U.S. nuclear nonproliferation efforts in South Asia. On May 13, 1998, President Clinton imposed economic and military sanctions on India, mandated by Section 102 of the Arms Export Control Act (AECA), and applied the same sanctions to Pakistan on May 30. Some effects of the sanctions on India included: termination of $21 million in FY1998 economic development assistance; postponement of $1.7 billion in lending by the International Financial Institutions (IFI), as supported by the Group of Eight (G-8) leading industrial nations; prohibition on loans or credit from U.S. banks to the government of India; and termination of Foreign Military Sales under the Arms Export Control Act. Humanitarian assistance, food, or other agricultural commodities are excepted from sanctions under the law. 
The first ministerial level meeting of QUAD was held on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Before this, the QUAD had
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The foreign ministry
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