– By Rohith Sai Stambamkadi
“We better sweat for peace than bleed in war”
– Vijay Laxmi Pandit First female president of United Nations, Former Indian Ambassador
to United Nations.
If one would be encased with definitions of feminism in dictionaries and philosophical understandings of various scholarship, the surrounding and critical debate of favoring liberty over equality or equality over liberty, different forms and waves of feminism, modern and classical scholarship of feminism etc., the advocacy of women in contemporary dynamics of International relations will certainly be contradicted and often be undermined. Some political and economic scholarship of feminist economic and foreign policy have even illustrated that such a practice would have diminishing returns. But as far as the scientific analysis as opposed to philosophical understandings are concerned, the role of women in peace-keeping is increasing and often reflects to be indispensable. Hence, constructs of precisely defining what feminism or gender role would mean in foreign policy has to be negated to develop a broader understanding of the intrinsic role of gender in defining International order.
The predisposition of women in diplomacy may find its position in as early as 400 BC in the playwright written by Aristophanes, a poet of old Attic comedy in his magnum opus, Lysistrata in which he illustrates the story of women living in three different cities after much disappointment of men’s lack of success to deal with war, organize themselves to end the Peloponnesian war. His depiction even in reality reflects the diplomatic ability of women to pull together the strands of the society to weave the fabrics of the nations.
One may say diplomacy is gender neutral and it does not entitle it self with sexes. Certainly, diplomacy is the art and science of getting peace triumph over conflict, replace divergencies with convergencies, align common interests for optimal relationships, a skill of negotiation, the consolidation of knowledge and adeptness of an alert mind. But one has to keenly explore to observe how women in foreign policy fit it into this outlook especially from the Indian Foreign policy context. It is very much in our understanding that foreign policy is often vested in creating and aligning common interests. If one could look at India and its neighbors, we share similar genealogies. The construct of an average family in all the South Asian countries are very much similar. We care similar about our homes and children under similar if not same patriarchal structures. Traditional values have programmed us to be peacekeepers in our small ways. We look for literacy and education, liberty and equality, opportunity and empowerment. Yet, we subscribe often to retributive give and take. One way to solve the eternal border conflicts and engagement in proactive dialogue would be to embrace the idea of South Asian commons through a feminist foreign policy. Such a policy would act in favor of rationalizing unities between the states and create an equilibrium against disunities. Building capacities, emphasizing on certain fundamental humanitarian interests would be at the core of such a strategic choice. Women in catalyzing a consensus in foreign policy hence could be one of the most peace embracing approach to promote infrastructure and trade, people to people engagement in creating peace and tranquility amid changing dynamics.
Placing the world through India in a new trajectory by aligning India’s national interests with global good and catalyzing a new consensus to the world now will be an essential formula of Indian Foreign Policy. Nevertheless, generating such a possibility can only be possible if it is not void of democratic participation where people play a significant role as much as the state. This must not be separated from an egalitarian conception of gender roles, the consideration that women are the trustees of conflict management who can offer strategic choices for peace. Hence, India must conceptualize women as the gatekeepers of its foreign policy outlook especially in the context of its neighborhood.
Choices in Foreign policy pertinent to these conversations are beyond stereotyping of women in political or key administrative positions or the voice of women in policy making. The role of women in building the new world order is very much reflected in drafting of Human Rights Declarations, addressing refugee crisis and bilateral and multilateral negotiations. Hence, the more pertinent question would be can Foreign policy and modern diplomacy organize and construct itself more efficiently so that the outputs take into account the interests of all the gender of often silent multitudes. Identity could be a costume in diplomatic practices but, an inclusive approach to how we engage with the rest of the world must take the account of intelligible differentia.
How India engages with the rest of the world shall be subjected to the equations it may develop in the days to come. Building collaborations amidst contestations in a world where there are no allies but only common interest must take the account of “gendered institutions” in making policy decisions. Such a choice does not necessarily advocate a special or peculiar right of opportunities for women or a crude sense of equality or a separate forum for the voices of women but, more inclusive policy inputs and outputs where, outcomes as differentiated from outputs can produce optimal results and optimal relationships.
BIBLIOGRAPHY :
“The Feminist Challenge to Economics”, Ann Mary May, Tylor and Francis Ltd, (2016)
“Women in Diplomacy” delivered at the Women in Diplomacy event hosted by MFA, Cyprus.” (Feb 21, 2020)
“Feminist Economics: Theoretical and Political Dimensions”, Astrid Agenjo‐Calderón, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, (23 Jan, 2019).
“The Peloponnesian War”, Social Studies and Ancient Civilizations, National Geographic Resource Library. “When feminism meets foreign policy”, The Indian Express, (06th Feb, 2020
onducted a total of five underground nuclear tests, breaking a 24-year self-imposed moratorium on nuclear testing. Pakistan followed, claiming 5 tests on May 28, 1998, and an additional test on May 30. The unannounced tests created a global storm of criticism, as well as a serious setback for decades of U.S. nuclear nonproliferation efforts in South Asia. On May 13, 1998, President Clinton imposed economic and military sanctions on India, mandated by Section 102 of the Arms Export Control Act (AECA), and applied the same sanctions to Pakistan on May 30. Some effects of the sanctions on India included: termination of $21 million in FY1998 economic development assistance; postponement of $1.7 billion in lending by the International Financial Institutions (IFI), as supported by the Group of Eight (G-8) leading industrial nations; prohibition on loans or credit from U.S. banks to the government of India; and termination of Foreign Military Sales under the Arms Export Control Act. Humanitarian assistance, food, or other agricultural commodities are excepted from sanctions under the law. 
The first ministerial level meeting of QUAD was held on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Before this, the QUAD had
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On recommendations of the Japanese government, the four countries met at Manila, Philippines for ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) originally, but also ended up having a meeting of what we call the first meeting of four nation states on issues of 
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India and Australia signed the 
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The foreign ministry
The Officials of QUAD member countries met in Singapore on November 15, 2018 for consultation on regional & global issues of common interest. The main discussion revolved around connectivity, sustainable development, counter-terrorism, maritime and cyber security, with the view to promote peace, stability and prosperity in the 
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Soon after the Earthquake and Tsunami crisis, humanitarian reliefs by countries, viz., US, India, Japan, and Australia started to help the 13 havoc-stricken countries. The US initially promised $ 35 Millions in aid. However, on 29
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